APC’s closed consensus capsule, by Emmanuel Aziken

The decision of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to return the majority of its national officers at its convention through consensus may, on the surface, appear to reflect unity and internal cohesion.

However, beneath that carefully curated image lies a troubling contraction of democratic space within the party, it is one that raises fundamental questions about the future of internal democracy not just in the APC, but across Nigeria’s political landscape.

 This development follows the recent zonal congresses where most party officials emerged through consensus arrangements. The process has been further reinforced by provisions of the amended Electoral Act signed into law by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Specifically, Section 84(2) of the Act restricts the emergence of party candidates and officers to either direct primaries or consensus. In one bold stroke, the law abolished the indirect primary system, a mechanism long associated with the monetisation of politics, where a handful of delegates wielded disproportionate power and were often financially induced to determine outcomes.

 There is no doubt that the removal of indirect primaries represents a significant reform. For years, that system entrenched a culture where aspirants were compelled to “dollarise” the political process, reducing internal party elections to a marketplace of the highest bidder. In that sense, President Tinubu deserves commendation for confronting and dismantling a deeply corrosive element of Nigeria’s electoral framework.

 Yet, in eliminating one democratic distortion, another has quietly taken root. The increasing reliance on consensus. While legally permissible, it has effectively replaced one form of exclusion with another. Instead of a few delegates deciding outcomes, the power has now shifted to a narrow circle of party elites who determine, often behind closed doors, who emerges and who is sidelined. The result is a political environment where participation is curtailed and competition is stifled.

 Indeed, the APC’s recent congresses have served as a test run for what could unfold ahead of the 2027 general elections. Across multiple states and party structures, consensus has become not just an option but the default mechanism. This has inevitably shrunk the democratic space within the party, breeding discontent among members who feel alienated from decision-making processes.

 A telling example emerged in Delta State, where the party’s attempt to project transparency was undermined by contradictions in its own processes. While officials announced that nomination forms were available online—with designated bank accounts for payment—supporters of Senator Ned Nwoko proceeded to purchase forms in good faith. Given the longstanding political rivalry between the Nwoko camp and the dominant bloc aligned with Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and former governor Ifeanyi Okowa, tensions were inevitable.

 What followed was a messy standoff. Having paid for the forms, Nwoko’s supporters insisted on their right to contest, even resorting to pressure tactics to compel the party to honour its own advertised process. The party, caught in a bind, eventually issued the forms but the outcome had already been predetermined. The established political arrangement prevailed, leaving the Nwoko faction frustrated and exposing the limitations of the so-called open process.

 An even more consequential controversy has arisen in the South-South zone, where the aspiration of Fubara Dagogo for the position of National Vice Chairman was effectively nullified. Despite reportedly paying ¦ 5.1 million for nomination forms, Dagogo was denied the opportunity to contest. Instead, the party settled for Victor Giadom, a figure widely regarded as an ally of Nyesom Wike, a leading member of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

 The irony is striking. In a political system that ostensibly thrives on party competition, a prominent PDP figure is seen to have significant influence in determining who occupies a key APC position. This blurring of party lines may reflect political pragmatism, but it also underscores a deeper malaise, the erosion of ideological clarity and institutional integrity within Nigeria’s party system.

 Beyond individual cases, the broader implication is clear: the APC, like many dominant parties before it, risks becoming a closed system where innovation, dissent, and alternative ideas are systematically excluded. Members with fresh perspectives are increasingly fenced out, while decision-making is concentrated in the hands of a select few. This not only weakens internal democracy but also deprives the party, and by extension the country, of the diversity of thought necessary for effective governance.

 History offers a cautionary tale. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), during its years of dominance, exhibited similar tendencies. Internal contests were often predetermined, dissenting voices marginalised, and party structures tightly controlled by powerful interests. Over time, this contributed to internal fractures and eventual electoral setbacks.

 Even in more established democracies such as the United States, where party leadership can exert influence over internal processes, there remains a robust culture of debate and contestation. Aspirants openly challenge incumbents, ideas are vigorously debated, and party members retain the right to choose their leaders through competitive processes. Consensus, where it exists, is typically the outcome of negotiation among stakeholders not an imposition from above.

 The danger in Nigeria’s current trajectory is that consensus is increasingly being weaponised as a tool of control rather than a mechanism of unity. When consensus is genuine arising from broad agreement among stakeholders it can strengthen cohesion. But when it is enforced, it becomes indistinguishable from imposition.

 To be clear, the fight against the monetisation of politics must continue. The abolition of delegate-driven primaries is a step in the right direction. However, reform must not come at the expense of participation. Political parties are the bedrock of democracy; if they become undemocratic, the entire system is weakened.

 President Tinubu, having taken a decisive step to sanitise the electoral process, must now go further. The logical next phase of reform is to ensure that political parties themselves operate as arenas of genuine competition. Direct primaries, though more demanding, offer a pathway for broader participation and should be encouraged as the default option.

 Ultimately, democracy thrives not on uniformity but on contestation. Parties must be spaces where ideas are tested, leadership is earned, and legitimacy is derived from the consent of members and not from the calculations of a privileged few. If the APC is to sustain its claim as a progressive platform, it must resist the temptation to trade democratic vitality for administrative convenience.

 Anything less would risk repeating the very mistakes that once undermined its predecessors.

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